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It is interesting to see the kilns and where Coplay and other nearby cement mining towns made their early livelihoods, but other than "these are really big ovens" there's not much to tell. I feel bad that the kilns are falling into disrepair and I have pride in the local industry, but there's just not that much to tell or to do about the kiln.
These 9 huge brick kilns were built in the 's as part of a factory that produced Portland cement. These 90 foot high structures were only operational for 10 years before they became obsolete. They are all that's left of a sprawling cement production plant and are located in the middle of a pleasant park. The kilns are quite dramatic but are fenced off as they are in a state of decay. Various proposals have been advanced to restore these magnificent structures.
Profile JOIN. Log in to get trip updates and message other travelers. A piece of area history - Saylor Park Cement Kilns. Saylor Park Cement Kilns.
Resume of M.C. Saylor
Review Highlights. Reviewed September 2, Reviewed February 18, A piece of area history. Review of Saylor Park Cement Kilns. Date of experience: June Thank Bob A. See all 8 reviews. Related to items you viewed. Lehigh Valley Sporting Clays. Ironton Rail Trail. Mad Lavender Farm. Yergey Brewing. Heisler's Cloverleaf Dairy. Funk Brewing Company. Reviews 8. Write a review. This is a simplification. A typical case against the MIC centers on militarism, while also mobilizing a combination of economic teachings revolving around terms such as misallocation, wastefulness, opportunity costs, distortions and so on and additional political, social and cultural themes patriarchy, favouritism, corruption, secrecy, to name but four.
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As the book shows, there has been no shortage of powerful arguments against the MIC over the decades, yet the MIC is alive and kicking. The second part of this post will begin with this question. As Ledbetter notes, the defence industry never had a shortage of defenders, proponents, beneficiaries, and apologists.
Various critiques of the MIC notwithstanding, numerous American commentators are now firmly united in the belief that their country needs a large defence budget in order to protect and project its identities and interests in the world. But knotted into the right-wing discourse on defence spending is a number of corollary arguments that are associated with a variety of lefty positions in the U.
The move is mainly rhetorical. Not only have successive U. I would suggest, then, that what lies behind contemporary pro-MIC arguments is, in fact, a creative and complex combination of certain economic theories, realist? The first argument, as I will attempt to show in this post, is the trump card for the defenders of the MIC.
States have a moral right to defend themselves, and so their governments must spend on defence. The aforementioned notion that the U. This also means, conversely, that any attack on the MIC is at some level also an attack on the politics and ethics of these distinctions, as in the standard remainder that the costs of the war in X ought to include the costs borne out by all participants. On the bold presumption that morality of statecraft might also arise from other forms of state security, this line of arguing can be extended further.
Triangle Mobility Action Partnership (Tri-MAP) forum—prior meetings
As Mark Suchman and Dana Eyre have argued, defence spending is profoundly shaped by institutionalized normative structures that connect advanced weaponry with modernity and sovereignty. Note, for one, how the Internet or the GPS are routinely cited as examples of revolutionary technologies brought to you by the MIC in the Reagan years, these were the Hubble telescope or the microchip; in the Eisenhower years, the television, fiberglass, and antibiotics and so on. Whether the underlying moral narrative centers on risk or prestige, the case for the MIC remains strong unless one is ready to accept a much broader politics of community, citizenship, security, and so on.
In a state-centric understanding of the world, it is certainly true that more-or-less pure public goods like national defence as defined by nonexcludability and nonrivalrous consumption face free rider problems and therefore go underprovided. So what can be done about it? In the public choice idiom, defence lobbies and complexes are not a solution to the undersupply of defence, they are the solution. Negative externalities anything from the unconscionable corporate profits to the academic grants handed out by defence and public works ministries may thus not be so negative; and when push comes to shove as, one may add, it does in the matters of national security unwarranted influence in fact becomes quite warranted.
We have no basis for criticizing those who pursue their self-interest through the political process even though we are convinced that this pursuit generates unfortunate social outcomes. When public choice economists advocate reforms for improving political outcomes, it is reform of the political institutions they have in mind, not moral reform of people who lack enthusiasm for putting the interest of others ahead of their own.
Members of the U. House of Representatives are known to use tools like the committee system and cross-policy logrolling to channel military-related pork projects for their districts. This goes double for members of the Senate, especially those who overstay in the defence appropriations subcommittee. As the financial crisis gathered pace in , conservative economists went on record to argue that spending on military, police, and intelligence wares, equipment, and personnel was a tried-and-tested method of using fiscal policy to manage the national economy. This is an extreme position, but it does reveal a major double vision on the part of many contemporary commentators, think-tankers, and office-holders on the political right.
Zakaria sums it up effectively:. The exception is defense, a cradle-to-grave system of housing, subsidies, cost-plus procurement, early retirement and lifetime pension and health-care guarantees.
There is so much overlap among the military services, so much duplication and so much waste that no one bothers to defend it anymore. Today, the U. Up to one third of the present-day defence budget indeed goes to the spending on salaries and benefits, which, estimates the man who worked as the deputy secretary of defense in the second George W. It is in the flesh! Little surprise, then, that most anti-MIC critiques tend to center on members of Congress, bureaucrats, lawyers, lobbyists, think-tankers, journalists and corporate types.
Indeed, corporations and their representatives tend to win this particular unpopularity contest. One strategy is to place the American MIC in a historical-comparative context and demonstrate that it tends to operate under the rules of more-or-less free enterprise. According to Friedberg, the U. At the more fundamental level, the book offers a strong moral case for the MIC. That does not mean, however, that I regard these influences as always and unreservedly positive, or that I intend to treat the postwar advocates of anti-statism as the unvarnished heroes of my story.
Cross-national comparisons like these have much rhetorical value, but they generally do not help with the central question: can the post-World War II U. In light of the widespread militarization of zones of trade and commerce, and the phenomenal privatization of warfare, critics have begun to question the distinction between markets and militaries.
In different ways, a long list of scholars including Barkawi, Delanda, Foucault, Griggers, Mann, Mbembe, Melman, Mohanty, Neocleus, and Tilly have questioned the very separation of militaries and markets. Here is how defence economists typically talk about it:. Once the product is completed, the seller becomes a monopolist: nearly all follow-on upgrades, maintenance, etc.
Over the long term, this situation blurs the line between the buyer and the supplier;. The sellers have a disincentive to compete over the price, and the buyer has an incentive to lowball the cost in its shareholder report i. Almost by default, weapon systems are both technologically and politically uncertain: the product succeeds so long as the buyer continues to finance its development in the face of all sorts of changing requirements over the length of the development.
Politicization goes the other way: the supplier lobbies the buyer to expand the product line, thus creating demand;.
But there is flip side to it: overregulation leads to a scramble for escape clauses and loopholes, which savvy contractors exploit to their advantage ; and. Profits, to go back to Baumgartner one last time, may be high, but they are extremely insecure relative to those in say, the financial complex. And on the flip side, just like Wall Street, the MIC and the state are in a long-term partnership: when the going gets tough, help is swiftly on the way.
Calls to protect defence spending such as this one almost always come folded into the moral discourses on sovereignty, territoriality, democracy, and global leadership.